Iran’s brain drain will not be stemmed by repression

Iran’s academic community is undergoing an unprecedented and alarming exodus. The country’s minister of science, research and technology, Hossein Simaee Sarraf, recently revealed that a staggering 25 per cent of university faculty members have left their positions in recent years.

Officials later clarified that this figure includes all faculty who have left the sector over that period, not all of whom have necessarily emigrated. Nonetheless, migration remains the dominant factor. For example, the president of Iran’s Tarbiat Modares University has stated that his institution receives weekly requests for unpaid leave from faculty seeking to work abroad – many of whom never return.

Nor is the brain drain limited to academics. Graduates of Iranian public universities are required to do public service of up to three times their degree’s duration in return for their free tuition, typically in underserved areas or government institutions related to their field of study. However, according to Iran’s Migration Observatory, more than 350,000 graduates applied to lift their service obligations – a prerequisite for studying abroad – over a recent six-year period. The same survey finds that between 60 per cent and 70 per cent of students from four top Iranian universities want to emigrate.

The exodus is no doubt driven primarily by paltry wages. Many graduates face dismal job prospects and low salaries in Iran. In the case of academics, for instance, professors in neighbouring nations earn between $4,000 and $7,000 (£3,100 and £5,500) a month, while Iranian full professors, despite years of experience, earn roughly $1,000.

However, economic factors do not tell the whole story. Political repression has become an equally significant driver of this exodus. For instance, during the protests following the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody in 2022, some politicians proposed expelling dissenting academics from universities and banning them from leaving the country for 10 to 15 years.

The recently enacted “Modesty and Hijab” legislation also signals a bleak future for academia, as well as broader society. This mandates gender-segregated classes for female students, consideration of adherence to dress codes in academic evaluations, and strict behavioural standards for students and faculty. As many academics have pointed out, these measures create an atmosphere of distrust and alienation, further motivating them and their students to flee.

That embitterment is only deepened by the mixture of denial, sugar-coating and repression with which the government has responded to the academic exodus. Academics often describe their departures as “escapes”, likening their situations in Iran to that of prisoners. Yet some officials have attempted to reframe brain drain as a “migration of talent”.

Meanwhile, ministers have doubled down on restrictive policies. For instance, legislation described by academics as the “No-Apply Project” has seen the cost to graduates of releasing their academic documents – required for applications to study or work abroad – rise more than 30 times in recent years. Graduates of medical science disciplines, meanwhile, find it nearly impossible to leave before completing their service obligations.

This heavy-handed approach has provoked widespread condemnation. Moreover, it is unlikely to significantly stem the brain drain because the root causes remain unaddressed.

Iran’s predicament is particularly striking in a regional context. Nations such as Turkey, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates have invested heavily in their higher education systems, offering competitive salaries and fostering research-friendly environments. These countries attract international talent while retaining their own, creating vibrant academic ecosystems.

In contrast, Iran’s higher education sector continues to suffer from chronic underfunding and a lack of autonomy. While some Iranian universities continue to produce world-class research, their potential remains stifled by political interference and systemic inefficiencies, such as poor resource allocation, excessive bureaucracy and academic corruption.

Iran’s universities, therefore, face a dual threat: declining academic standards and diminished global standing. As faculty members leave, they take with them expertise, research networks and the mentorship needed to sustain academic communities. The resulting void is often filled by individuals lacking the credentials or experience necessary to uphold quality, perpetuating a cycle of decline.

The solution lies not in punitive measures but in lessening the incentive to leave. Authorities must increase salaries to competitive levels, foster academic freedom and create opportunities for professional growth. Reforms to align Iran’s education system with global standards could also help retain talent while attracting international collaboration.

Equally important is a cultural shift. Iran’s leaders must recognise that emigration is not a betrayal but rather a symptom of deeper societal issues that must be addressed. Otherwise, whatever repressive measures they introduce, the exodus will persist, leaving Iran’s universities – and its future – in jeopardy.

Roohola Ramezani has a PhD in philosophy from Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran. He was formerly a research fellow at the IFK International Research Centre for Cultural Studies in Vienna.