The vision for European universities that French president Emmanuel Macron outlined in his 2017 Sorbonne speech amounted to an ambitious and somewhat nebulous dream to boost pan-European identity. Yet Macron’s call for a “network of universities across Europe, with programmes that have all their students study abroad and take classes in at least two languages” has surpassed expectations. Five years into the initiative, 64 alliances have now been established, encompassing 560 institutions.
The early alliances have transitioned from lofty declarations to dynamic, tangible achievements. For instance, Una Europa – one of the original 17, of which my institution is one of 11 members – has gone from offering summer and winter schools and a “live my life” job-shadowing scheme to establishing a seed fund that has supported 50 collaborative initiatives with African partners and drawing up a well-defined strategy for research and innovation cooperation.
The crowning achievement so far is our joint bachelor’s programmes. This began in 2022 with a large and diverse first cohort enrolled in European studies. A second programme in sustainability studies launches in 2025. These initiatives unite tomorrow’s European leaders around critical themes, such as the green transition and the continent’s future. They also achieve what was once considered impossible: creating joint bachelor’s curricula that are recognised across national borders.
This illustrates Europe’s potential when national and regional fragmentation is overcome. European Universities alliances act as laboratories for collaboration, fostering trust and synergy among institutions. They pioneer innovative education and mobility programmes, engaging citizens across borders and prompting national governments to adopt a European perspective in areas like education and lifelong learning. The alliances lay the foundation for a future pan-European diploma, bridging divides that have long hindered integration.
Building a common European knowledge and education area depends on grassroots initiatives like this. The alliances must continue to build trust between governments and policymakers even as some European Union member states pursue policies that hinder openness – restricting international student access, becoming more protective of their own language and culture, or cutting back higher education funding.
The alliances are also well positioned to help implement the robust blueprints for a solid European knowledge structure offered by recent high-profile policy interventions, such as former Italian prime minister Enrico Letta’s vision of a “fifth freedom” for the EU based on the free movement of research, innovation, knowledge and education, and former Portuguese science minister Manuel Heitor’s ideas for a 10th research framework programme.
Then there is September’s report on EU Competitiveness by another former Italian prime minister, Mario Draghi (who also used to run the European Central Bank). This emphasises the increasing importance of research and innovation (R&I) investment for productivity growth and resilience in a competitive and rapidly evolving global landscape.
Research-intensive alliances can play a crucial role here, pooling their strengths and capacities to drive R&I in their focus areas. Indeed, the original vision for the alliances was for them to be key drivers of Europe’s competitiveness. However, so far, they have been underutilised. And, as Draghi’s report underscores, the urgent need to strengthen Europe’s top institutions as hubs for R&I and talent development risks being undermined by the dilution of scarce resources across an excessive number of approved alliances.
Alliances can strengthen the nexus between education and research, both through grassroots initiatives and at the policy level. But Macron’s initial vision was for only 20 alliances. The fact that there are now 64 also raises critical questions that go beyond that of adequate funding. Do so many test beds dilute policy focus? Can such a large number be effectively coordinated? Does this undermine the scaling and consolidation of promising initiatives?
To clarify, I am not suggesting that alliances become additional structures that divert resources away from existing, well-functioning research programmes. Funding of research must be consistently grounded in principles of excellence and competition, including within the European University Alliances initiative. Quality, impact and demonstrable R&I potential should be front and centre. Moreover, universities and their researchers should remain free to collaborate beyond their alliance.
Alliances with a strong research focus would particularly benefit from funding mechanisms designed to foster transnational ecosystems for knowledge, research and innovation. This could include talent programmes for early career researchers, joint doctoral training, and enhanced coordination between offices for fundraising, research management and technology transfer. Shared access to research infrastructure and joint seed capital funds would further maximise the impact of these collaborations.
At a political level, a clear, long-term strategy is necessary for research-intensive alliances. Dialogue with institutional leaders and policymakers is vital to define their role in strengthening Europe’s R&I capacity. This includes looking beyond EU borders to forge partnerships with leading universities in (prospective) associated countries, particularly the UK and Switzerland, which remain central to Europe’s research landscape.
Five years in, the European Universities initiative can be considered a success. But ensuring its sustainability requires stronger involvement and co-investment by national and regional governments alike.
Luc Sels is rector of KU Leuven, a member of Una Europa.
