What’s next for Bangladesh’s divisive student politics?

Student-led downfall of autocratic leader has catalysed national conversation about the place of politics on university campuses typically beset by violence 

八月 19, 2024
Students chant slogans as they protest to demand accountability and trial against Bangladesh's ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, near Dhaka University in the capital on August 12, 2024
Source: Luis Tata/Getty Images
Loudspeakers: some believe political parties hold too much sway at universities

One week after former prime minister Sheikh Hasina fled Bangladesh, droves of students once again gathered at Dhaka University. This time, instead of leading the calls for political reforms, they were demanding the ejection of politics from the country’s campuses.

But, as the newly appointed interim government sets out to determine the fate of the country after the unexpected fall of the autocratic ruling party, the question of what happens to student politics is proving just as divisive. 

Although students were at the forefront of the movement that ousted Ms Hasina, with two of their leaders now appointed to the Cabinet overseeing Bangladesh’s transition, many young people are keen to be able to focus on their learning when they are on campus. On the other hand, opposition groups argue that it is their democratic right to have representation in higher education. 

“The tremendous challenge facing the interim government is whether it can set the stage for a less violent and less criminal form of democracy,” said David Jackman, lecturer in development studies at the University of Oxford. “We’re yet to see the specific reforms to be introduced before the next election, but regulating student politics will likely be part of this.”

While they may celebrate the student-led movement that overthrew a controversial regime, for many young people in Bangladesh, their university experience is overshadowed by the terrifying reign of the student wings of political parties, which control access to university dormitories at institutions across the country. 

Students are expected to fall in line with demands of the groups, including missing classes to participate in political rallies. If they fail to do so, they may lose their place in subsidised accommodation and could face violent punishment. 

“This is more about the politicisation of student wings of ruling political parties and the ways in which they are used to police free speech on campus in exchange for lucrative systems of political patronage and impunity, than about ‘student politics’ as the term is commonly understood in mature democracies,” said C. Rashaad Shabab, reader in economics at the University of Sussex

The issue previously came to a head in 2019 when a student at the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) was murdered by members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student arm of the Awami League, the country’s former ruling party.

Although BUET subsequently banned student politics, Bangladesh’s high court has since said this was unconstitutional, with some claiming that it was in the ruling party’s best interests to keep these student factions intact. When students began to protest on campuses against quotas for government jobs in July, the BCL was believed to be behind the initial violent response. 

However, with Ms Hasina toppled, all aspects of the country’s governance are once again up for debate. And for many, this presents an opportunity to reform university politics. 

“This is their chance to ban student politics forever,” said A. S. M. Kamrul Islam, a lecturer at the Green University of Bangladesh

Whatever institutions decide, the BCL’s “reign has ended”, said Dr Jackman. “With the Awami League out of office, many leaders from their student wing will be in hiding, fearful of retribution or legal cases.”

While several universities have already enacted bans in the wake of the Awami League’s downfall, Dr Jackman believed it will be “difficult” to stop the student wing of the main opposition “from mobilising and expanding its presence once again” if the party wins the next election. Quick government policies may be needed therefore if the practice is to end once and for all. 

“Since the students are taking the lead and we have students in the government right now, I think there is a high possibility of banning the student politics from the government’s end,” said Mr Islam. 

But a ban alone may not be enough, according to Dr Shabab, who argued that universities needed to review their standards to end the culture of political violence on campuses. This could include fairly allocating university accommodation, overhauling and depoliticising university security and setting up “clear and accessible” complaints procedures. 

“If the selective policing of violence on university campuses isn’t directly addressed, such a ban would likely be used to stifle free speech of opposition parties and dissenting views even further,” he said. 

Many also believe that instead of completely ending student politics, current practices should be replaced with democratically elected student unions without political affiliations. 

Away from campus politics, there have also been suggestions that the student leaders now in government may start their own political party – something likely to be supported by Bangladesh’s burgeoning youth population. 

“The interim government is restricted in its mandate,” said Dr Shabab. “For these student representatives to have a lasting effect on Bangladesh’s democracy going forward, they must organise into a formally registered political party and channel the tremendous wave of popular support that they currently enjoy into building a wide, popular base of support with national appeal.”

helen.packer@timeshighereducation.com

请先注册再继续

为何要注册?

  • 注册是免费的,而且十分便捷
  • 注册成功后,您每月可免费阅读3篇文章
  • 订阅我们的邮件
注册
Please 登录 or 注册 to read this article.